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Free report · Academics, think tanks and NGOs · 12 min readSix Axes: the open codebook
The full coding scheme, the anchor definitions, the evidence standard, and an honest account of three tests the instrument failed.
- What this is, and what it is not
- The six axes and the independence test
- The test any scheme should survive
- The evidence standard
- Three findings that weaken the instrument
- The missing measurement
- Using and citing the dataset
What this is, and what it is not
The Political Atlas codes 319 political organisations — parties, movements, regimes and doctrinal schools from 508 BCE to the present — on six independent axes, with a rationale and at least one citable artefact behind every one of 1,914 scored cells. The whole dataset is free to download, reuse and redistribute with attribution.
It is not peer reviewed, and it is not the output of the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, the Manifesto Project or V-Dem. It is a synthesis. Where you need an authoritative figure, cite theirs.
Where it may be useful is coverage. Party-based instruments do not record movements without electoral ambitions, doctrinal schools, or regimes that ended before the survey began — and those are precisely what most political arguments compare. This codes them on the same scale as contemporary parties.
The six axes and the independence test
An axis earns a place on one criterion, which is empirical rather than conceptual:
Organisations that sit together on every other axis can still be found at opposite ends of this one.
The practical form is to find a signature pair: two organisations a five-axis model places in the same neighbourhood and a six-axis model separates. Each axis has one, and they are named in the codebook. Candidates that failed the test were excluded, including religiosity (a mixture of social order and membership), nationalism (a composite of membership, scale and often social order) and environmental commitment, which distributes across the existing axes rather than forming one.
The anchor definitions
A number means nothing unless its scale is fixed. Each axis is anchored at five points with a description and real cases that sit there.
EC · Economic organisation
Who owns productive assets and what decides their use. The negative pole abolishes private ownership of the means of production and allocates by plan or by need; the positive pole leaves ownership private and lets prices allocate. The midpoint is a genuine mixed economy, not an absence of opinion.
| Score | What it means | Anchor cases |
|---|---|---|
| −10 | All productive assets held in common or by the state; money and market allocation abolished or vestigial. | Khmer Rouge, anarcho-communism |
| −05 | Large-scale redistribution and universal public services inside a mostly private, price-allocated economy. | Nordic social democracy, Die Linke |
| 00 | Genuine mixed economy, or a programme that subordinates ownership questions to something else entirely. | Italian Fascism, Deng-era China |
| +05 | Market allocation is the default; the state corrects failures and funds a safety net but does not direct investment. | Christian democracy, Kuomintang |
| +10 | Private property is near-absolute; taxation, regulation and public provision are treated as illegitimate in principle. | Anarcho-capitalism, La Libertad Avanza |
CU · Social and cultural order
How society should be ordered below the level of the state: family, religion, gender, sexuality, national culture, and whether inherited norms carry authority. Political science measures a version of this as the GAL–TAN dimension, and since roughly 2010 it has been the stronger predictor of party competition in Europe than economics.
| Score | What it means | Anchor cases |
|---|---|---|
| −10 | Inherited norms carry no authority; equality across gender, sexuality, ethnicity and belief is the organising commitment. | Second-wave feminism, Green politics |
| −05 | Broadly liberal on social questions with some deference to established institutions and gradual reform. | Social liberalism, PSOE |
| 00 | No settled cultural position, or a deliberate refusal to take one. | Five Star Movement, mutualism |
| +05 | Tradition, family and national culture treated as goods worth defending in law, without excluding dissent. | Christian democracy, Social Catholicism |
| +10 | Social order is fixed by religion, blood or inherited hierarchy and is not open to revision by majorities. | Saudi religious monarchy, Taliban |
AU · Organisation of power
Whether authority is divided among institutions that can genuinely stop each other — courts, legislatures, press, opposition parties, federal units — or gathered into a single centre that claims to embody the whole. This is a question about method of rule, and it is logically independent of every policy question.
| Score | What it means | Anchor cases |
|---|---|---|
| −10 | No coercive central authority at all; coordination by voluntary federation or contract. | Anarcho-communism, anarcho-capitalism |
| −05 | Strong, genuinely independent checks: courts, opposition, press, federal units, proportional representation. | Frente Amplio, SPD |
| 00 | Ordinary constitutional government with a strong executive, or a movement with no settled institutional doctrine. | US New Deal, Sinn Féin |
| +05 | Elections continue and the institutions that could reverse their outcome are being restructured by the incumbent. | Fidesz, Law and Justice |
| +10 | No lawful opposition, no independent judiciary or press, and no mechanism by which the government can lose. | Stalinism, Taliban, Pinochet regime |
SC · Scale of decision
At what level binding decisions are taken: the commune, the province, the nation, or a body above the nation. Distinct from concentration, because a decision can be taken centrally by an accountable parliament or locally by an unaccountable strongman.
| Score | What it means | Anchor cases |
|---|---|---|
| −10 | Binding decisions taken at commune or village level; higher bodies are delegated and recallable. | Zapatistas, Diggers |
| −05 | Strong federalism or devolution; the centre holds defined and limited competences. | US Jeffersonians, Swiss People’s Party |
| 00 | Balanced: significant authority at both national and sub-national level. | Chartism, Free Democratic Party |
| +05 | Unitary national government as the normal locus of decision. | Most European parties |
| +10 | Centralised imperial or supranational authority overriding all subordinate units. | New Imperialism, Stalinism |
ID · Rule of membership
Who counts as a full member of the political community, and on what grounds. The negative pole admits on residence, consent or common humanity; the positive pole admits on birth, blood, faith, language or lineage.
| Score | What it means | Anchor cases |
|---|---|---|
| −10 | Membership on residence, consent or common humanity; ancestry is politically irrelevant by principle. | Classical Marxism, Ambedkarism, US civil rights movement |
| −05 | Civic and open, with normal border administration and no ancestral criterion. | UK Labour Party, Liberal Democrats |
| 00 | No distinctive position, or a national community defined by participation rather than descent. | Titoism, Taiwanese DPP, Five Star Movement |
| +05 | Confessional or cultural criterion treated as constitutive but acquirable in principle. Restrictive on admission and civic on belonging sits at the low end of this band. | Muslim Brotherhood, Vox, Reform UK, Chega |
| +10 | Closure by descent, race or lineage. Membership cannot be acquired at all. | Nuremberg Laws, apartheid, Juche, Meiji imperial subjecthood |
CH · Method and tempo
How the programme is to be achieved and how fast: by election, argument and amendment, or by rupture, decree and force. It combines the classic reform-versus-revolution question with the question of whether political violence is legitimate.
| Score | What it means | Anchor cases |
|---|---|---|
| −10 | Change only through existing law and persuasion; the existing order is treated as a good in itself. | Burkean conservatism, Metternichian reaction |
| −05 | Programmatic reform pursued entirely through elections, legislation and negotiation. | Les Républicains, US Democratic Party |
| 00 | Willing to use exceptional or extra-parliamentary means while stopping short of force. | Suffragism, Five Star Movement |
| +05 | Rupture with the existing order, accepting coercion or emergency rule as necessary. | Sun Yat-sen, Sankarism |
| +10 | Total transformation imposed by force, with political violence treated as legitimate and generative. | Jacobins, Bolsheviks, Khmer Rouge, ISIS |
The test any scheme should survive
Four organisations at the corners of the economic and authority axes. Any scheme that cannot express this configuration is not measuring what it claims to measure, and the check takes a minute.
| Organisation | EC | CU | AU | SC | ID | CH | Conf. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Anarcho-Communism | −09 | −07 | −10 | −10 | −08 | +06 | high |
| Anarcho-Capitalism | +10 | +01 | −10 | −10 | −02 | +03 | med |
| Stalinism | −10 | +03 | +10 | +10 | +03 | +08 | high |
| Pinochet Regime | +09 | +08 | +10 | +07 | +05 | +04 | high |
Anarcho-communism and anarcho-capitalism sit nineteen points apart on economics and at the same point on authority. Stalinism and the Pinochet regime sit nineteen points apart on economics and at the same point on authority. A one-dimensional model cannot represent either pair, let alone both.
The evidence standard
Every scored cell carries at least one artefact, tagged by kind because the kinds are not interchangeable.
- Programme — a clause of a manifesto, constitution or founding document. Evidence of stated intention.
- Record — a documented act: a statute passed, an industry nationalised, an organisation banned, an election cancelled. Evidence of what was done.
- Scholarship — a settled finding in the comparative literature, cited to a specific work.
- Dataset — a published measurement from an existing instrument.
Where programme and record diverge, the record wins. A programme is published at the moment of maximum incentive to be attractive and costs nothing; a statute has to survive a legislature and a signature. The exception is an organisation that has never held power, for which the programme is all there is — and those codings carry a lower confidence rating for exactly that reason.
Three findings that weaken the instrument
These are published because an instrument that only ever reports findings in its own favour is not measuring anything.
Two axes correlate at 0.86. Social and cultural order and the rule of membership carry largely the same information most of the time. The defence is that the correlation is empirical rather than conceptual, and that the corpus contains cases which come apart — secular ethnonationalisms permissive on personal conduct and closed on descent, religious universalisms that prescribe heavily and admit anyone who converts. The defence is real and it is not conclusive.
The merge test returns 0.981. Collapsing those two axes and recomputing all 41,328 pairwise distances produces a matrix correlating with the original at 0.981. For almost every comparison anyone would actually make, a simpler model returns the same answer.
Leave-one-out: no axis is load-bearing. Dropping any single axis in turn leaves a distance matrix correlating with the full model between 0.959 and 0.977. Six tests, six results above 0.95.
What survives is a narrower claim than the architecture implies: the six-axis model is justified by roughly twenty specific entries that a reduced model would misplace — mostly liberation, indigenous and anti-caste movements — rather than by aggregate variance. A reader entitled to conclude the instrument is more complicated than it needs to be has the evidence for that conclusion here, supplied by the instrument.
The missing measurement
One coder, therefore no inter-coder reliability figure. There is no way to self-report that, and no amount of auditing substitutes for it, because the auditing is done by the same person.
Two things stand in its place. A check that the codebook’s named anchor cases actually sit at their anchors, which failed on ten cases the first time it ran. And a blind coding instrument that shows any reader a cell’s evidence with the score withheld and asks them to assign one.
A single reader agreeing with a single coder is not reliability. It is the only honest way available to find out whether the codebook is precise enough to produce the same score in someone else’s hands — and if the answer turns out to be no, that is the most useful finding this project could produce.
Using and citing the dataset
- Format. JSON, free, no registration. Every score, every rationale, every artefact, every logged revision. Download.
- Licence. Free to use, quote, redistribute and build upon with attribution, including commercially.
- Cite it as a synthesis, and cite the underlying professional datasets for any figure that needs to be authoritative.
- Version it. The dataset carries a version number and a revision log; cite the version you used, because scores change on evidence.
- Challenging a score requires naming the cell, naming the evidence, and saying what the score should be instead. Thirty have been changed that way.
If a set of organisations relevant to your work is missing from the corpus, a Comparative Brief codes up to five with full evidence. Prices are fixed and published, and no discovery call is required before you know what something costs.
Comparative Brief — $3,300All commissionsOne or two emails a month, or none at all
This report is free and there was nothing to fill in to read it. The update carries codings that changed, new claim checks, and at least one finding that went against the atlas. Nothing else, and one click to stop.
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