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Free report · Heads of public affairs and government relations · 10 min read

Briefing a Board Without Taking a Side

How to characterise a political actor in a document that reads the same to a board member of any politics — and survives being forwarded.

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In this report
  1. The problem is authorship, not analysis
  2. The vocabulary problem, and how six axes solve it
  3. Worked position: the PRI
  4. Which axes a country contests, and which it has settled
  5. A structure that survives being forwarded
  6. What this cannot tell you

The problem is authorship, not analysis

Most public affairs teams could produce the analysis. What they cannot do is put their name on it.

An internal briefing that characterises a governing party can be leaked, requested in disclosure, or read years later in a very different climate — and the person who wrote the adjective owns it. So briefings get hedged into uselessness, and an executive who asks whether an incoming government threatens the operating model receives a paragraph that does not answer.

What an external coding actually buys

A characterisation published by somebody else, on a stated method, that predates your interest in it. The document reads the same to a board member of any politics because it was not written with your board in mind — and it can be attributed rather than owned.

The vocabulary problem, and how six axes solve it

A board can discuss a party scoring +07 on the organisation of power without anyone in the room having to say authoritarian out loud. That is frequently the difference between a discussion happening and not happening.

It also prevents the commonest failure in market briefings: an economic conclusion drawn from a cultural or membership observation. A party can be socially traditionalist and economically liberalising, or nationalist on membership and interventionist on ownership. Compressed into one word, those combinations are invisible, and the operating implication is usually in the part that got compressed away.

Worked position: the PRI

Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party redistributed land and nationalised oil, then signed NAFTA and privatised the banks, under one banner across seventy-one consecutive years in power.

Any single label applied to it is wrong in at least one direction. Its trajectory, recorded at four anchor points from 1929 to the present, is not harder for a board to read than an adjective, and it answers the question the adjective cannot: is this getting better or worse, and from what?

Note also what stayed constant. Across seven decades its position on the organisation of power barely moved: an unchallengeable single party, presidents designating their successors, elections contested and never lost. The stable fact was form; the volatile fact was content — and for an operating business, the stable fact was the one that mattered.

OrganisationECCUAUSCIDCHConf.
Institutional Revolutionary Party+01+04+08+07+03−04high
Morena−05+02+05+05+01−02med
La Libertad Avanza+10+06+04 00+03+03med
Bolsonarismo+06+09+06+03+04+01med
Bukelismo+05+06+08+06+03+02med

Five Latin American cases spanning fifteen points on economics. A regional briefing that treats them as one tendency is describing something that does not exist.

Which axes a country contests, and which it has settled

Every country page in the atlas reports the range its organisations span on each axis. The settled axis is usually the more revealing one, and it is the one foreign coverage never reports — because a question nobody argues about generates no copy.

For an operating business this is often the whole analysis. A market where economics is settled and membership is contested carries entirely different risks from one where the reverse is true, and both look identical in a headline. In the first, a change of government is unlikely to alter your tax or ownership position and likely to alter your workforce and licensing environment. In the second, the opposite.

The question to put in a briefing: not how extreme is this party, but which of the six questions does this country actually argue about, and is our exposure on one of them?

A structure that survives being forwarded

Five elements, in this order. It is the structure of the sample brief on this site and it is built so that no paragraph reads as advocacy.

  1. Position, with evidence per axis. Six numbers, each with a documented act behind it. No adjectives.
  2. Trajectory. Where the organisation has been, at dated anchor points. This is what answers is it getting worse.
  3. Comparators. Nearest organisations by measured distance, so the reader can locate the subject against things they already understand.
  4. What is contested. Where qualified specialists disagree, both readings given. A briefing that reports a contested question as settled is the one that gets quoted back.
  5. What the analysis does not establish. Explicit, and at the end rather than buried.

The fifth element is the one most often dropped and the one that most protects the author. A document that states its own limits is very hard to accuse of overreach.

What this cannot tell you

A coordinate describes a stated position and a governing record. It is not a forecast, not a risk rating, and not a judgement of merit. Distance measures similarity of position, not similarity of consequence — two organisations can sit close together and produce entirely different outcomes, because competence, circumstance and scale are not on any axis and could not be.

Used as an input to a judgement it is useful. Used as the judgement it is misuse, and the method page says so.

A Country Political Map codes every significant party in one market, with the contested-versus-settled analysis and an operating annex. Prices are fixed and published, and no discovery call is required before you know what something costs.

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